Thursday, 16 October 2014
The Myth of the Enduring Personality - Part VI
Having
outlined the idea of trait theory and why it does not seem to work,
we will look to Personal
Construct Theory (PCT), which
suggests that we construct peoples personalities. To explain
this we might look towards one of the common paradoxes that arises in
assigning traits.
For
example, Fred may perceive upon meeting Gerald that he is loud and
obnoxious. However, Harry may may meet Gerald and perceive him as
outgoing and fun. In this sense, we look to the way Fred and Harry
attribute these traits and construct Gerald's personality. In
this sense we are looking towards our personal construction of
meaning.
In
theorising about personalities, we need to consider the extent to
which we construct our own versions of individual differences. This
PCT suggests that personality attribution is based on our own
theories about ourselves and others, which are directly influenced by
our preferences and meanings.
In
this sense, PCT is a form of phenomenological description extracted
from individuals and makes it a qualitative methodology that steps
out of the experimental paradigm, and focuses on understanding
individuals rather than categorising them (Butt, 2012).
In
our above example it is plain to see that Gerald is constructed
differently by Fred and Harry, so which, if either of them, is
correct? If we are talking about objectively true traits, then a
trait theorist would maintain one of them has to be wrong. It may be
that Harry is correctly being objective and Fred has taken a
disliking to Gerald.
How
could we be sure who was correct though?
How
each person makes sense of the world, influences how they perceive
things. The only way to be sure would be to go through an objective
assessment in a psychology lab. We will show this is problematic as
our next task, but an alternative to trait theory might be to listen
to Fred and Harry's construction of meaning through their own
phenomenological accounts.
We would discover the meanings they bring to bear on the
world and in this sense, PCT would seek to understand rather than try
to carve up the domain in to categories. PCT would take account of
the fact that we all have different likes and dislikes, which a trait
theory would fail to capture.
This leaves trait theory stuck trying to capture the objective
qualities of a person, independent of our experience of them.
Implicit in the assumption of trait theory is that people have
objective and measurable qualities, that are distinct and enduring.
The
reality shows us that we actually bring our own presuppositions and
preferences to the table when deciding what opinion we make of
people. Trait theory does not take account of this fact, and tries to
claim that people have objective qualities regardless of our view of
them.
However,
what we see is that this so called objective view cannot be separated
from our opinion. For example, even if we are told Gerald is fun and
outgoing, we may simply dislike him. It is not irrational to dislike
somebody, even if we find no good logical reason. We may be
questioned about why we dislike someone, but it is somewhat absurd to
claim that really he is an objectively outgoing person, when we find
him annoying and rude.
This
is because we may never experience this 'fact'. We might assent that
we have made an error of judgement, however, this can have no bearing
upon the validity of our intuition towards people, or influence our
viewpoint.
Here we are looking towards the fact that trait theory is
faced with the absurdity of trying to say that the multiple ways of
constructing people are incorrect, and there is one true objective
account of an individual. However, in real life people do not show up
in such a manner and this should point us to the error in this chain
of reasoning.
Having
outlined the basics of PCT,
we can start to make use of the criticisms its
advocates have made towards Trait theory, and show how a trait
theorists objective analysis and laboratory work is fraught with
problems.
Firstly,
the very foundations of Eysenck's research is challenged, since it
made use of statistical analyses to derive his personality index.
Remember, he used a factor analysis in order to group descriptions
together to form his list of 32 traits. To achieve this, he used a
psychometric questionnaire of the type where a mark is placed on a
numbered scale.
Such
surveys are characterised by 'strongly agree' or 'strongly disagree'
being placed at either end of this scale, and the respondent simply
circles a number to state the degree to which they agree or disagree
with a statement.
The
methodology of Eyesenck's work was to have subjects with these style questionnaires sat behind a one way window, where they observed
people in a room.
The idea was that the observers rated the
personality of those being observed. After a significant number of
repetitions with different observers, Eyesenck collected the results
together and conducted his factor analysis. In this sense he had the
significance of mathematics and empirically valid results to work
from.
However, it is at this stage where multiple problems emerge.
Sunday, 5 October 2014
The Myth of the Enduring Personality - Part V
At
this point, a trait theory might like to invoke the concept of
neurotransmitters. Implicit in trait theory is the need to point to
neurotransmitters as being the cause of behaviour. It may seem so far that I have ignored the idea of
neurotransmitters being influential in this process, and am dismissing
their importance.
It may be the case that since physical and mental
states are one and the same thing, John's new way of thinking after
CBT is a result of a change in the balance of neurotransmitters.
We
could argue about the plasticity of the brain and how it adapts over
time, and this relates to the experiential component we described
previously. Going back to John's condition, a trait theorist could
bite the bullet and suggest that being shy is an experiential
disposition, or 'trait of character' as Fisher writes.
John
was only affected by anxiety in the presence of strangers, and a
trait theorist could claim that this is a purely experiential
component. If we were able to establish a link between
neurotransmitters and behaviour this would support this line of
argumentation.
Implicit
to such a counter-argument is that we will act the same way in
similar situations because we have enduring traits. To account for
any deviation from this we have to appeal to dimensionality and allow
that neurotransmitters influence our behaviour along a dimensional
axis.
However, this leaves little room for manoeuvre when we consider
that we may have major life events that cause our behaviour to change
drastically from the traits we are ascribed. A death or traumatic
event in the family may cause our behaviour to deviate from these
fluctuations in dimensionality.
This might mean we are enveloped in a
terrible sense of melancholy that is somewhat out of character and is
of a temporal duration. It is pushing the bounds of trait theory too
far if we were to suggest that new traits appear, or we swing to
extremes on fixed dimensional planes.
This account would be missing
out on the kind of volatile mood swings, memories, and projections
that would feedback into our psychological world during a traumatic
time. A functionalist account might be better placed to capture this
aspect because it would not rely solely on neurotransmitters*. It
allows causal interactions between our mental and physical states,
however, trait theory is not afforded this luxury, since its aim is
to explain psychological differences in purely physical terms.
*
Footnote: A more advanced trait theory might like to try and exploit
this functionalist view, however, this would be untenable for reasons
we will outline shortly. Essentially, this boils down to the fact
that we cannot clearly delineate between traits and our own personal
view point. We will treat this matter fully in due course.
Perhaps
more damaging to trait theory is the whole edifice of this argument
stands or falls on the assumption that neurotransmitters are the
cause of our behaviours. Butt pointed out that neurotransmitters may
be sufficient but not necessary to cause behaviours, and the
simplistic notion of neurotransmitter changes driving behaviour has
no empirical support (Butt, 2004).
Despite all the appeals to
neurotransmitters, it has never been established in any studies that
they are the causal mechanism for our behaviour.
Certain behaviours
may be correlated with changes in neurotransmitters, however, this
alone is insufficient for any explanation of behaviour. For
instance, testosterone may be said to make us more aggressive and
research has shown that playing sports produces high levels of
testosterone. However, this does not necessarily mean aggressive
behaviour and violence will result, although we can observe there is
a correlation (cited in Butt, 2004).
This suggests that
dimensionality cannot be explained in terms of neurotransmitters
alone, and consequently we are unable to account for the complexities
of human behaviour by merely appealing to neurotransmitters pushing
us back and forth along a categorised dimension.
A New Approach to Traits
Assigning
traits and categorisations is a natural propensity to social beings
like us. These descriptions are useful in our day to day lives and
interpersonal relationships. However, once the light of reality is
allowed to illuminate the landscape, we find nothing tangible and no
solid basis for grounding traits. In this orthodox trait theory we
have found that there are no grounds to assert that neurotransmitters
are a necessary cause of behaviours.
We need not deny there is any
correlation or that they play a role, but it is certainly asking far
too much to suppose that neurotransmitters can fully account for the
dimensionality of our behaviour.
Furthermore, such an account has no
coherent justification for explaining how extremes of
uncharacteristic behaviour occur in traumatic circumstances. We can
go from the pits of despair to elation in an instant, and we can ask
for an account of how neurotransmitters can fluctuate so much so as
to cause this, particularly when we are trying to make sense of
behaviour in terms of traits?
Clearly, we are giving an impoverished
account by pointing merely to fixed traits. As we have seen there is
little basis for them, nor is there any evidence to suggest any
enduring mechanism is responsible for them.
So,
given that there clearly are patterns in peoples behaviour, does it
not make sense to try and categorise them?
Yes, it does make sense
and we use these terms when describing people, however, we are now
left with the question of where do these categorisations originate
from, if not from psychological and biological dispositions?
It is
one thing to deny the existence of these traits, yet we must be able
to convincingly account for why the notion of traits is so
widespread. So, where does this illusion come from?
Part VI here...
Part VI here...
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